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Kohistani.Com>Afghanistan>Provinces>Panjshir>Ahmad
Shah Masoud
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Ahmad Shah Masoud (Lion of Panjshir)
The myth of Lion
Massoud's nickname, the "Lion of Panjshir" is a rhyme and
play on words in Persian, which alludes to the strength of his resistance
against the Soviet Union, the mythological exaltation of the lion in Persian
literature, and finally, the place name of the Panjshir Valley, where
Massoud was born. The place name of "Panjshir" Valley in Persian means
(Valley of the) Five Lions. Thus, the phrase "Lion of Panjshir" which in
Persian is "Shir-e-Panjshir," is a rhyming play on words.
possible organizers or assisters of the assassins.
Massoud was a strong opponent of Pakistani involvement in Afghanistan. The
assassins are said to have entered Northern Alliance territory under the
auspices of the Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and had his assistance in bypassing
"normal security procedures.
The French secret service revealed October 16, 2003 that the camera used by
Massoud's assassins had been stolen in December 2000 in Grenoble, France
from a photojournalist, Jean-Pierre Vincendet, who was then working on a
story on that city's Christmas store window displays. By tracing the serial
number that appeared in the camera, the FBI was able to determine Vincendet
as the original owner. The French secret service and the FBI then began
working on tracing the route that the camera took between the time it was
taken from Vincendet and the Massoud assassination.
Commander Najmuddin participated. From the southern
provinces, there were Commander Qari Baba, Noorzai, and Hotak. From the
western and southwest provinces came General Ismail Khan, Doctor Ibrahim,
and Fazlkarim Aimaq. From central Afghanistan Commander Anwari, Said Hussein
Aalemi Balkhi, Said Mustafa Kazemi, Akbari, Mohammad Ali Jawed, Karim Khaili,
Commander Sher Alam, and Abdur Rassul Sayyaf were members of this union. The
alliance consisted of warlords who had been ousted by the locals from all
regions of Afghanistan. He was supported by India because of their rivalry
with Pakistan, Iran because of their opposition to a Strong Sunni Taliban
government, Russia and Tajikistan because of the growing Islamic movements
in Chechnya and Central Asia.
In 1998, the CIA, a long time aide of Massoud; offered Afghanistan's
anti-Taliban opposition leader a substantial bounty for the capture of Osama
bin Laden, dead or alive. The claim was further supported by former US
president Bill Clinton in an interview with New York Times in 2001. Clinton
said, "At the time, we did everything we can do,". "I authorised the arrest
and, if necessary, the killing of Osama bin Laden, and we actually made
contact with a group in Afghanistan to do it."
In April 2001, Nicole Fontaine invited Massoud to address the European
Parliament. In his speech, he warned that the Taliban had connections with
Al-Qaeda, and that an important terrorist attack was imminent. The US and
European governments paid no attention to these warnings.
he was also fluent in French, Pashto, and Urdu.
Furthermore, he had a good working knowledge of the Arabic language.
When studying at Kabul, in 1972, he became involved with the sazman-i
jawanan-i musalman("organisation of Muslim youth"), the student branch of
the Jamiat Islami("islamic society"), whose chairman was professor
Burhanuddin Rabbani. This islamist organisation opposed the rising communist
influence that became especially evident after the coup d'état that brought
Mohammed Daoud Khan to power in 1973: the coup was orchestrated by the
Parcham faction of the PDPA, the Afghan communist party.
As soon as Daoud came to power he began a crackdown against the islamist
movements, forcing those who were not arrested to flee to Pakistan. From
here they organised the resistance movement, aided by Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto,
who feared Daoud's revival of the Pashtunistan issue.
In July 1975, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, then a Jamiat member, organised an
uprising against Daoud's government. Massoud was in charge of stirring up
the Panjshir, and had some success in this area, but the revolt was a
failure, due to lack of support among the people and Gulbuddin's inability
to entice officers of the Afghan army to join the rebels. The ensuing
repression greatly weakened the islamist movement, and forced the surviving
militants back to Pakistan.
In 1976, the movement split between the supporters of Rabbani, who led the
Jamiat, and those of Hekmatyar, who founded the Hezbi Islami . Massoud, who
blamed the failure of the insurrection on Hekmatyar, joined Rabbani's
faction.
The Soviet War
Massoud went to Nuristan and other areas where the war
had just started. He wanted to find out about the Afghans' opinion regarding
the war against the Soviet-backed Democratic Republic of Afghanistan. As
soon as he was sure about their determination he departed with a group of 20
young men to Panjshir in 1979. Still not sufficiently armed Massoud and his
troops marched on to Panjshir, Massoud’s home. Their enemy was a superpower
and those who were weak or required help had to be protected; especially
one’s own family.[citation needed] Again, an armed insurrection in Panjsher
took place, this time under Massoud's leadership. The fight lasted 40 days,
during which the whole Panjshir, Salang, and Bola Ghain were in open revolt
against Kabul. After these 40 days Massoud's leg was injured and the troops
under his command had no more weapons and ammunition. Despite 600 relief
fighters from Nooristan, the government troops finally defeated
them.[citation needed]
Massoud went back to Panjshir. On pondering the outcome of the fight,
Massoud decided to wage guerrilla war. Massoud is credited with having
achieved control of terrain that was much more difficult to defend
militarily and was under constant attack from the Soviet-Afghan Army. From
that time on Massoud's name was inseparably connected with the Panjshir, he
proved to be the resistance fighter in history against the Red Army. He
became the Lion of Panjsher. Many people simply called him Amer Sahib
(Commander) to express their affection as well as their respect.
In 1979, when his leg was severely wounded, Massoud’s resistance fighters
were sieged by government troops, but he managed a narrow escape. In 1983
Soviet special troops had blocked the way out of the mountain tunnel near
Malaspa in Panjshir. However, Massoud and his men managed a breakthrough and
could slip away without attracting the Soviets attention. One of most
notable of Massoud's military tactics in the Panjshir was his tendency to
perform shocking manoeuvres against the Red Army. While the Red Army always
outnumbered Massoud's men, they could never inflict enough damage on his
forces or establish a prolonged presence because they would usually be
forced by their respective governments to retreat.
The Fall of Kabul 1992
Kabul ultimately fell to the mujahidin because the
factions in its government had finally pulled it apart. Until demoralized by
the defections of its senior officers, the army had achieved a level of
performance it had never reached under direct Soviet tutelage. It was a
classic case of loss of morale. The regime collapsed while it still
possessed material superiority. Its stockpiles of munitions and planes would
provide the victorious mujahidin with the means of waging years of highly
destructive war. Kabul was short of fuel and food at the end of winter in
1992, but its military units were supplied well enough to fight
indefinitely. They did not fight because their leaders were reduced to
scrambling for survival. Their aid had not only been cut off, the
Marxist-Leninist ideology that had provided the government its rationale for
existence been repudiated at its source.
A few days after it was clear that Najibullah had lost control, his army
commanders and governors arranged to turn over authority to resistance
commanders and local notables throughout the country. Joint councils or
shuras were immediately established for local government in which civil and
military officials of the former government were usually included. Reports
indicate the process was generally amicable. In many cases prior
arrangements for transferring regional and local authority had been made
between foes.
Through mid-1995 these local arrangements have generally remained in place
in most of Afghanistan. Disruptions have occurred where local political
arrangements have been linked to been linked to the struggle that has
developed between the mujahidin parties. At the national level a political
vacuum was created and into it fell the expatriate parties in their rush to
take control. The enmities, ambitions, conceits and dogmas which had
paralyzed their shadow government proved to be even more disastrous in their
struggle for power. The traits they brought with them had been accentuated
in the struggle for preferment in Peshawar.
Collusions between military leaders quickly brought down the Kabul
government. In mid-January 1992, within three weeks of demise of the Soviet
Union, Ahmad Shah Massoud was aware of conflict within the government's
northern command. General Abdul Momim, in charge of the Hairatan border
crossing at the northern end of Kabul's supply highway, and other non-Pushtun
generals based in Mazari-i-Sharif feared removal by Najibullah and
replacement by Pushtun officers. The generals rebelled and the situation was
taken over by Abdul Rashid Dostum, who held general rank as head of the
Jozjani militia, also based in Mazar-i-Sharif. He and Massoud reached a
political agreement, together with another major militia leader, Sayyed
Mansour, of the Ismaili community based in Baghlan Province. These northern
allies consolidated their position in Mazar-i-Sharif on March 21. Their
coalition covered nine provinces in the north and northeast. As turmoil
developed within the government in Kabul, there was no government force
standing between the northern allies and the major air force base at Begram,
some seventy kilometers north of Kabul. By mid-April the air force command
at Bagram had capitulated to Massoud. Kabul was defenseless, its army was no
longer reliable.
Najibullah had lost internal control immediately after he announced his
willingness on March 18 to resign in order to make way for a neutral interim
government. As the government broke into several factions the issue had
become how to carry out a transfer of power. Najibullah attempted to fly out
of Kabul on April 17, but was stopped by Dostam's troops who controlled
Kabul Airport under the command of Karmal's brother, Mahmud Baryalai.
Vengeance between Parchami factions was reaped. Najibullah took sanctuary at
the UN mission where he remained in 1995. A group of Parchami generals and
officials declared themselves an interim government for the purpose of
handing over power to the mujahidin.
For more than a week Massoud remained poised to move his forces into the
capital. He was awaiting the arrival of political leadership from Peshawar.
The parties suddenly had sovereign power in their grasp, but no plan for
executing it. With his principal commander prepared to occupy Kabul, Rabbani
was positioned to prevail by default. Meanwhile UN mediators tried to find a
political solution that would assure a transfer of power acceptable to all
sides.
A memorial for Massoud during an anti-war demonstration at
the United Nations building in Geneva, Switzerland.
A photograph of Massoud in the late 1990's
After Death
In 2001, the Afghan Interim
Government under president Hamid Karzai awarded him the
title of "Hero of the Afghan Nation". Massoud is the
subject of Ken Follett's Lie Down With Lions, a novel
about the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. Many
documentaries, books and movies have been made about
Ahmad Shah Massoud.
Massoud was married with four daughters and a son, and
the family still carries a lot of prestige in the
politics of Afghanistan. Of his six brothers, Ahmad Zia
Massoud is the current vice-president of Afghanistan and
Ahmad Wali Masoud is the ambassador to the United
Kingdom.
A bigger mausoleum is being built in Panjsher to replace
the smaller one.
Death
Massoud was the target of a suicide
attack which occurred at Khvajeh Ba Odin on September 9,
2001. The attackers were two Arabs who claimed to be
Belgians originally from Morocco. However their
passports turned out to be stolen and their nationality
Tunisian. The assassins claimed to want to interview
Massoud and set off a bomb either in their video camera
or in a belt worn by the cameraman while asking Massoud
questions. The explosion also killed Mohammed Asim
Suhail, a Northern Alliance official, while Mohammad
Fahim Dashty and Massoud Khalili were injured. The
assassins may have intended to attack several Northern
Alliance council members simultaneously.[citation
needed] One of the attackers was killed by the explosion
and the other was shot while trying to escape. The news
of Massoud's death was reported almost immediately,
appearing in European and North American newspapers on
10 September 2001. It was quickly overshadowed by the
September 11, 2001 attacks, which proved to be the
terrorist attack that Massoud had warned against.
The timing of the assassination, two days before the
September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States, is
considered significant by commentators who believe Osama
bin Laden ordered the assassination to help his Taliban
protectors and ensure he would have their protection and
cooperation in Afghanistan. The assassins are also
reported to have shown support for bin Laden in their
questions of Massoud. The Pakistan Inter-Services
Intelligence (ISI) and Mujahideen leader Abdul Rasul
Sayyaf, an Afghan Wahhabi Islamist, have also been
mentioned as a
Civial War
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar placed Kabul
under intensive rocket bombardment. Destruction went to
the extent that daily up to 3,000 rockets were shot at
Kabul, tens of thousands of civilians were murdered, and
the city was nearly completely destroyed. After a series
of negotiations in Kabul and in Peshawar, arranged by
the power players of the Afghan Civil War - Pakistan,
Saudi Arabia and Iran - the warring factions failed to
come to peace.
Resistance against Taliban
As Taliban took control of around 90%
of Afghanistan, the warring factions had no choice but
to form an alliance called the 'United Islamic Front for
the Salvation of Afghanistan'. Because most factions
were from the north of Afghanistan, the Western media
called them the 'Northern Alliance'. The alliance
consisted of warlords and tribal leaders like Haji Rahim,
Commander Piram Qol, Haji Mohammad Mohaqeq, General
Dostum, Qazi Kabir Marzban, Commander Ata Mohammad and
General Malik. From the east were Haji Abdul Qadir,
Commander Hazrat Ali, Commander Jaan Daad Khan and
Abdullah Wahedi. From the northeast areas, Commander
Qatrah and
Ahmad Shāh
Mas'ūd (Persian:
احمد شاه مسعود) (September 2,
1953–September 9, 2001) was an ethnic Tajik and a Kabul
University engineering student turned military leader
who played a leading role in driving the Soviet army out
of Afghanistan, earning him the nickname "Lion of
Panjshir". His supporters call him Amer Sahib e Shaheed,
translating to our "Martyred Commander".
Ahmad Shah Massoud became Afghan Defence Minister in the
early 1990s under President Burhanuddin Rabbani.
Following the collapse of Rabbani's government and the
rise of the Taliban regime, Massoud became the military
leader of the United Islamic Front for the Salvation of
Afghanistan. In September 2001 Massoud was assassinated
by al-Qaeda
agents, and the following year he was named "National
Hero" by the order of Afghanistan's President Hamid
Karzai.
Early Life
Ahmad Shah Massoud was born September
2, 1953 in Jangalak, Panjshir Valley, the son of police
commander Dost Mohammad Khan. At the age of five, he
started grammar school at Bazarak and stayed there until
second grade. Since his father was promoted to be police
chief of Herat, he attended 3rd and 4th grade at the
Mowaffaq School in Herat. He also got religious
education at the "Masjed-e-Jame" mosque in Herat. Later
his father was moved to Kabul so he attended
intermediate and senior grades at the French lycee of Al
Istiqlal in Kabul. Since his childhood, he was
considered exceedingly talented; from 10th grade on his
school acknowledged his being a particularly gifted
student. His native tongue was Persian (Dari), but
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